federalist 10 summary

85 .....395. It was philosophical and scientific in the best tradition of the Enlightenment. ", Like the anti-Federalists who opposed him, Madison was substantially influenced by the work of Montesquieu, though Madison and Montesquieu disagreed on the question addressed in this essay. Among the numerous advantages promised by a well-constructed union, none deserves to be more accurately developed, than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. Men who are members of particular factions or who have prejudices or evil motives might manage, by intrigue or corruption, to win elections and then betray the interests of the people. This makes it more difficult for the candidates to deceive the people. Kaminski, John P. and Saladino, Gaspare J., ed. This paper is considered an important document in American history for it lays out how the writers of the constitution defined the form of government that would protect minority rights from organized and united factions that intended to pass legislation injurious to the liberty of the minority or … When Madison made this prophecy, the accepted opinion among all sophisticated politicians was exactly the opposite. Starting with the proposition that "in republican Government, the majority, however, composed, ultimately give the law," Madison then asks what is to restrain an interested majority from unjust violations of the minority's rights? With pure democracy, he means a system in which every citizen votes directly for laws (direct democracy), and, with republic, he intends a society in which citizens elect a small body of representatives who then vote for laws (representative democracy). Madison particularly emphasizes that economic stratification prevents everyone from sharing the same opinion. He thus questions how to guard against those dangers. Published on November 22, 1787 under the name "Publius", Federalist No. The Question and Answer section for The Federalist Papers is a great "Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society," he notes (Dawson 1863, p. 58). [25], Generally, it was their position that republics about the size of the individual states could survive, but that a republic on the size of the Union would fail. In other words, Madison argued that the unequal distribution of property led to the creation of different classes that formed different factions and pursued different class interests. This volume, titled The Federalist, was released on March 2, 1788. No matter how large the constituencies of federal representatives, local matters will be looked after by state and local officials with naturally smaller constituencies. At the heart of Madison's fears about factions was the unequal distribution of property in society. Destroying liberty is a "cure worse then the disease itself," and the second is impracticable. Adair also contends that Beard's selective focus on the issue of class struggle, and his political progressivism, has colored modern scholarship on the essay. Throughout all history, he discovered, mankind has been divided into factions based either on personal loyalty to some leader or upon some "sentiment or interest" common to the group as a unit. Under the Articles of Confederation, the federal government held very little power.... Hamilton used historical evidence to discuss why bills of rights had existed in the past. In a letter to Richard Price, Benjamin Rush noted that "Some of our enlightened men who begin to despair of a more complete union of the States in Congress have secretly proposed an Eastern, Middle, and Southern Confederacy, to be united by an alliance offensive and defensive".[29]. 10 was not regarded as among the more important numbers of The Federalist. Published on November 22, 1787 under the name "Publius", Federalist No. FEDERALIST No. 10 of the Federalist Papers was made to defend the proposition of the constitution, supporting the formation of a Republican government. In a large republic, where the number of voters and candidates is greater, the probability to elect competent representatives is broader. What is Federalist #10? In a large republic, the public good is sacrificed to a thousand views; it is subordinate to exceptions, and depends on accidents. ", James Madison carried to the Convention a plan that was the exact opposite of Hamilton's. [22] Madison himself addresses a limitation of his conclusion that large constituencies will provide better representatives. Did that evidence have anything to do with the case he was discussing? James Madison. The principal questions before the convention became whether the states should remain sovereign, whether sovereignty should be transferred to the national government, or whether a settlement should rest somewhere in between. Federalist No. [30], Greece and Rome were looked to as model republics throughout this debate,[31] and authors on both sides took Roman pseudonyms. The Federalist Papers study guide contains a biography of Alexander Hamilton, John Jay and James Madison, literature essays, a complete e-text, quiz questions, major themes, characters, and a full summary and analysis. The Federalist Number 10 [22 November 1787] Among the numerous advantages promised by a well constructed union, none deserves to be more accurately developed than its tendency to break and control the violence of faction. GradeSaver, 30 December 2011 Web. In this country, leaders of factions may be able to influence state governments to support unsound economic and political policies ­as the states, far from being abolished, retain much of their sovereignty. There are reasons both philanthropic and patriotic that should cause you to support it, but I know that support will not come easily. Beard argue that No. These were, in essence, a military alliance between sovereign nations adopted to better fight the Revolutionary War. [41], Federalist Paper by James Madison; promoting a Union as a safeguard against domestic rebellion and insurrection, James Madison, author of Federalist No. 10 continues a theme begun in Federalist No. There are only two ways to remove the causes of a faction: destroy liberty or give every citizen the same opinions, passions, and interests. Historians such as Charles A. But Madison's greatness as a statesman also rests in part on his ability to set his limited personal experience within the context of the experience of men in other ages and times, thus giving extra insight to his political formulations. [3], A national convention was called for May 1787, to revise the Articles of Confederation. [1], No. SUMMATION: Federalist No. Madison Paragraph by Paragraph . Beard identified Federalist No. Federalist papers, formally The Federalist, series of 85 essays on the proposed new Constitution of the United States and on the nature of republican government, published between 1787 and 1788 by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay in an effort to persuade New York state voters to support ratification. A law regarding private debts, for instance, would be "a question to which the creditors are parties on one side, and the debtors on the other." Direct democracies cannot effectively protect personal and property rights and have always been characterized by conflict. Since some people owned property and others owned none, Madison felt that people would form different factions that pursued different interests. [27] At the convention, he particularly identified the distinction between the northern and southern states as a "line of discrimination" that formed "the real difference of interests". [2] Like Washington, Madison felt the revolution had not resolved the social problems that had triggered it, and the excesses ascribed to the King were now being repeated by the state legislatures. Hume's work was admirably adapted to this purpose. [37], Garry Wills is a noted critic of Madison's argument in Federalist No. George W. Carey and James McClellan (Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 2001), 42-49. The idea is that, in a large republic, there will be more "fit characters" to choose from for each delegate. The states farthest from the center of the country will be most endangered by these foreign countries; they may find it inconvenient to send representatives long distances to the capital, but in terms of safety and protection, they stand to gain the most from a strong national government. It was David Hume's speculations on the "Idea of a Perfect Commonwealth," first published in 1752, that most stimulated James Madison's' thought on factions. 10 is an essay written by James Madison as the tenth of The Federalist Papers, a series of essays initiated by Alexander Hamilton arguing for the ratification of the United States Constitution. [28], The discussion of the ideal size for the republic was not limited to the options of individual states or encompassing union. Federalist Papers No. Hume said that "in a large government, which is modeled with masterly skill, there is compass and room enough to refine the democracy, from the lower people, who may be admitted into the first elections or first concoction of the commonwealth, to the higher magistrate, who direct all the movements. Madison's main argument was that the power of a large republic would be able to control the “mischiefs of faction”. Federalist #10 Summary: James Madison Argument #1: Factions are really bad for democracy James Madison Argument #2: Separate Judicial and Legislative Branches James Madison Argument #3: A Republic is better than Democracy FIN James Madison believes that it is important to have He also relied heavily on the philosophers of the Scottish Enlightenment, especially David Hume, whose influence is most clear in Madison's discussion of the types of faction and in his argument for an extended republic.[15][16]. 10. [18] Madison concludes that a small democracy cannot avoid the dangers of majority faction because small size means that undesirable passions can very easily spread to a majority of the people, which can then enact its will through the democratic government without difficulty. At the end of Hume's essay was a discussion that was of interest to Madison. 10 Summary. The whole series is cited by scholars and jurists as an authoritative interpretation and explication of the meaning of the Constitution. Let’s dive deeper into Federalist No. Factions pose one of the greatest threats to popular government. Federalist No. Thus, if no interstate proletariat could become organized on purely economic lines, the property of the rich would be safe even though the mass of the people held political power. After examining each in its turn Madison concludes that they are but a frail bulwark against a ruthless party. Federalist Paper No. "Here he lays down, in no uncertain language, the principle that the first and elemental concern of every government is economic" (Beard 1913, p. 156). 37, also by Madison, was the only other essay to appear first in the Advertiser. Federalist No. [9], Considering the importance later ascribed to the essay, it was reprinted only on a limited scale. In his view, this would make it "more difficult for unworthy candidates to practice the vicious arts by which elections are too often carried. In his book An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution of the United States (1913), Beard argued that Madison produced a detailed explanation of the economic factors that lay behind the creation of the Constitution. As long as men hold different opinions, have different amounts of wealth, and own different amounts of property, they will continue to fraternize with those people who are most similar to them. Nevertheless, he argued, the idea of a perfect commonwealth "is surely the most worthy curiosity of any the wit of man can possibly devise. On November 23, it appeared in the Packet and the next day in the Independent Journal. Brutus points out that the Greek and Roman states were small, whereas the U.S. is vast. Summary and Analysis Section II: Advantages of Union: Federalist No. The practical advantages of the union held together by the U.S. Constitution include a reduction of factions, proactive promotion of trade and wealth, and a more cost-effective government. Soldiers and Liberty: The Debate Over Standing Armies and Militias in Early America, Read the Study Guide for The Federalist Papers…, A Close Reading of James Madison's The Federalist No. Madison's first full statement of this hypothesis appeared in his "Notes on the Confederacy" written in April 1787, eight months before the final version of it was published as the tenth Federalist. The Anti-Federalist belief that the wide disparity in the economic interests of the various states would lead to controversy was perhaps realized in the American Civil War, which some scholars attribute to this disparity. Madison concludes that the damage caused by faction can be limited only by controlling its effects. He makes an argument on how this is not possible in a pure democracy but possible in a republic. 10 (along with Federalist No. [11], Henry B. Dawson's edition of 1863 sought to collect the original newspaper articles, though he did not always find the first instance. Factions are bad news to a just government. Both supporters and opponents of the plan are concerned with the political instability produced by rival factions. He argued in his "Notes on Confederacy," in his Convention speeches, and again in Federalist 10 that if an extended republic were set up including a multiplicity of economic, geographic, social, religious, and sectional interests, then these interests, by checking each other, would prevent American society from being divided into the clashing armies of the rich and the poor. Property is divided unequally, and, in addition, there are many different kinds of property. Madison believed that the problem was not with the Articles, but rather the state legislatures, and so the solution was not to fix the articles but to restrain the excesses of the states. Madison was convinced that the class struggle would be ameliorated in America by establishing a limited federal government that would make functional use of the vast size of the country and the existence of the states as active political organisms. Men have different interests depending upon the kind of property they own. George Hopkins' 1802 edition revealed that Madison, Hamilton, and Jay were the authors of the series, with two later printings dividing the work by author. AP.USH: KC‑3.2.II.E (KC), PCE (Theme), Unit 3: Learning Objective I. At the same time, the parts are so distant and remote, that it is very difficult, either by intrigue, prejudice, or passion, to hurry them into any measure against the public interest." 10 (James Madison) Summary This essay, the first of Madison's contributions to the series, was a rather long development of the theme that a well-constructed union would break and control the violence of faction, a "dangerous vice" in popular governments. The government created by the Constitution controls the damage caused by such factions. 2, John Jay counted as a blessing that America possessed "one united people—a people descended from the same ancestors, the same language, professing the same religion". Both serious and trivial reasons account for the formation of factions, but the most important source of faction is the unequal distribution of property. 10 as evidence for his belief in "the Constitution as an instrument of class exploitation". The number of participants of that majority will be lower, and, since they live in a more limited territory, it would be easier for them to agree and work together for the accomplishment of their ideas. Remember, this was before he became the fourth President of the United States. Source: The Federalist: The Gideon Edition, eds. Besides, he was more intent now on developing the cure than on describing the malady. The framers established a representative form of government: a government in which the many elect the few who govern. It is hard to conceive of a more perfect example of the concentration of idea and meaning than Madison achieved in this famous sentence. Federalist No. Summary. He notes that if constituencies are too large, the representatives will be "too little acquainted with all their local circumstances and lesser interests". 10 is among the most highly regarded of all American political writings. 10 was written under the pseudonym ”Publius”. In "The People's Vote", a popular survey conducted by the National Archives and Records Administration, National History Day, and U.S. News and World Report, No. [1][2], Madison saw the Constitution as forming a "happy combination" of a republic and a democracy, with "the great and aggregate interests being referred to the national, the local and particular to the State legislatures" resulting in a decentralized governmental structure.

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